MIT, 2002
Supervisor: Noam Chomsky
In this project we examine the DP-internal behavior of degree operators contained in attributive extended APs, specifically degree fronting (so sunny a day) and degree right extraposition (a day sunny enough). We argue that both processes have to do with the scope of the degree operator, namely, that degree fronting is a diagnostic of clausal scope of the degree operator, while right extraposition is overt QR to the DP-internal landing site where a quantifier can be interpreted.
We first show that pre-determiner APs in Germanic languages (so sunny a day) are moved to [Spec, NumP] only if they contain a degree operator, i.e. an element that cannot be interpreted in situ. We will then show that the appearance of the adjectival projection in that position is due to pied-piping, and that different degree operators behave differently with respect to how much material is moved overtly (pied-piping).
We then turn to right extraposition. We will show that it can be differentiated from other cases traditionally denoted by the same term (e.g. a professor proud of her children). On the other hand, it has certain properties permitting to assimilate it to DP-extraposition to the right periphery of the vP (Heavy NP Shift) – it has new information status and permits stranding of the argument of the degree operator (a more interesting problem than this). These and similar factors suggest that right extraposition of degree-containing extended APs is overt QR of the degree operator accompanied by more or less pied-piping.
The overall picture seems to be that QR as an overt movement process examined for clausal projections exists in nominal projections as well and has similar properties.
Available from MITWPL.